Document distributed under permission of Rick Strassman MD --
The Journal of Nervous & Mental Disease
Copyright 1996 by Williams & Wilkins
Vol 184, No. 2, Printed in U.S.A.
(Note: all footnotes are at the end of this article)INTRODUCTIONA multinational, collaborative, biomedical investigation of the effects of hoasca (ayahuasca), a potent concoction of plant hallucinogens, was conducted in the Brazilian Amazon during the summer of 1993. This report describes the psychological assessment of 15 long-term members of a syncretic church that utilizes hoasca as a legal, psychoactive sacrament as well as 15 matched controls with no prior history of hoasca ingestion. Measures administered to both groups included structured psychiatric diagnostic interviews, personality testing, and neuropsychological evaluation. Phenomenological assessment of the altered state experience as well as semi-structured and open-ended life story interviews were conducted with the long-term use hoasca group, but not the hoasca-na've control group. Salient findings included the remission of psychopathology following the initiation of hoasca use along with no evidence of personality or cognitive deterioration. Overall assessment revealed high functional status. Implications of this unusual phenomenon and need for further investigation are discussed.
- J Nerv Ment Dis 184:86-94, 1996. Hoasca is a hallucinogenic concoction of potent psychoactive plants that are indigenous to the Amazon basin of South America. It has been known under a variety of names, including ayahuasca, caapi, yage, hihi, dapa, natema, pinde, daime, and vegetal. Hoasca is the Portuguese transliteration for ayahuasca and is the accepted term utilized throughout Brazil. Prior to the European conquest, domination, and acculturation of South America, beginning in the 16th century, hoasca was widely used by the native peoples for purposes of magic and religious ritual, divination, sorcery, and the treatment of disease (Dobkin de Rios, 1972). In spite of prolonged and savage attempts by the European conquerors to repress and eradicate native culture and belief systems (Taussig, 1986), sacramental and medicinal use of hoasca remained extant.
Scientific study of hoasca began with the renowned English botanist Richard Spruce, who from 1849 to 1864 traveled extensively throughout the Brazilian, Venezuelan, and Ecuadorian Amazon to compile an inventory of the varieties of plant life found there (Schultes and Raffauf, 1992). Spruce made a number of valuable discoveries, including Hevea, the genus of the rubber tree, and cinchona, from which quinine is derived. He also identified one of the primary sources of a powerful hallucinogenic brew used by the Mazan and Zaparo Indians, called ayahuasca (Quechua for 'vine of the souls' or 'vine of the dead'), and previously described by the Ecuadorian Manuel Villavicencio (1858), as a large woody vine that would later be given the formal botanical designation of Banisteriopsis caapi (Ott, 1994; Spruce, 1908). Subsequent laboratory analysis would reveal the presence of the psychoactive beta-carboline alkaloids harmine, harmaline, and tetrahydroharmine, although when first isolated during the early 20th century they would receive the rather exotic appellation of telepathine. As identified by early field observers of hoasca use, additional psychoactive admixtures were often added to the cooking B. caapi preparations, most notably highly potent and hallucinogenic tryptamine-containing plants, including such vision-inducing plants as Psychotria viridis (McKenna and Towers, 1984)
Throughout the Amazon basin, the use of hoasca remained so deeply rooted in tribal mythology and philosophy that modern investigators have been able to confidently conclude that its use extended back to the earliest aboriginal inhabitants of the region (Schultes and Hofmann, 1992). They have recorded the tradition of hoasca use by the indigenous peoples of the region for purpose of freeing the soul from corporeal confinement and facilitating access to realms of alternate reality, allowing for a variety of magical experiences, including accessing communication with the spirits of the ancestors. Anthropologists who have conducted ethnographic studies of the native inhabitants of the Amazon Basin have described such common hoasca-induced phenomena as visions of jaguars, snakes and other predatory animals, visions of distant persons, 'cities' and landscapes, the sensation of 'seeing' the detailed enactment of recent mysterious events, and the sense of contact with the supernatural (Harner, 1973).
Hoasca, as is the case with other plant hallucinogens, has a prehistoric tradition of use by native aboriginal peoples as shamanic sacraments or catalysts (Bravo and Grob, 1989; Furst, 1976). It is considered a 'great medicine' and is used to both diagnose and treat illness (Schultes and Hofmann, 1992). Its use is fully sanctioned by societal customs and laws and, in fact, is the core experience upon which tribal and collective consciousness rests. Utilization of such potent plant hallucinogens as hoasca typically occurs within a ritualized context, including the traditional rites of initiation (Grob and Dobkin de Rios, 1992). The powerful hypersuggestible effects induced by the hallucinogenic plant drug reinforce collective belief systems, strengthen group cohesion, and facilitate culturally conditioned and syntonic visions which provide revelation, blessing, healing, and ontological security (Dobkin de Rios and Grob, 1994).
Use of hoasca for purposes of healing and religious sustenance has, during the centuries of European acculturation of Amazonia, emerged from the exclusive tribal domains of the rain forest and been incorporated into the contemporary fabric of rural and urban society, particularly among the indigenous Mestizo populations of Peru, Colombia, and Ecuador. Identified as a valuable adjunct to folk healing practices, hoasca is ritually administered by 'ayahuasqueros' to carefully selected groups of patients (Dobkin de Rios, 1972). Scrupulously adhering to the shamanic models practiced by the aboriginal peoples, these folk healers similarly use the sacramental hoasca for purposes of medical diagnosis and healing, divination, and as a path of access to the realms of the supernatural.
During the 20th century, the use of hoasca within the context of modern syncretic religious movements, particularly in Brazil, has arisen. One such church, and the object of the current study, is the Uniao do Vegetal (UDV), whose translation from the Portuguese means 'union of the plants.' The UDV originated in the early 1950s when its founder, Gabriel de Costa, a rubber tapper who had first experienced the effects of hoasca with the native Indians of Bolivia, returned to the rapidly expanding Brazilian Amazon settlement of Rio Branco with his visions of spiritual revelation and personal mission. Gathering a group of loyal followers, Maestre Gabriel, as he came to be known, elaborated a mythology and structure for his new religion. Spreading first through the Brazilian Amazon and then to the more densely populated and urbanized south, the UDV grew over the subsequent four decades to achieve an eventual size of approximately 7000 members nationwide, drawing adherents from across the socioeconomic and professional spectra. Organized along the lines of an early Christian parish, local 'nucleos,' or congregations, are centers where sacramental hoasca is consumed in large bimonthly ritual ceremonies which are presided over by local 'maestres,' leaders of the religious sect. Although not the only Brazilian syncretic church to use hoasca as a ritual sacrament, the Santo Daime sect being the largest and most widely known, the UDV does have the strongest organizational structure as well as the most highly disciplined membership. Of all the hoasca churches in Brazil, the UDV was also most pivotal in convincing the government narcotics commission to remove hoasca from the list of banned drugs, which was accomplished in 1987 for use within religious ceremonial contexts.
Although achieving some attention and even notoriety in North American literature and the popular press, most notably the work of William Burroughs and Allen Ginsberg (1963), the psychological phenomenon induced by hoasca has been subjected to virtually no rigorous study. Various travelers to the Amazon Basin have reported their own first-hand accounts of experiences with hoasca (Weil, 1980), while both formal and informal anthropological narratives have excited the public imagination (Lamb, 1971; Luna and Amaringo, 1991). Indeed, interest in the exotic Amazonian traditions and effects of hoasca have sparked a steady stream of North American tourists, often attracted by articles and advertisements in popular and New Age magazines (Krajick, 1992; Ott, 1993). Concern over possible adverse psychological health effects incurred by such na've travelers has also been raised by noted anthropological authority of hoasca use in the Amazon (Dobkin de Rios, 1994). Contrasted with testimonials of improved psychological and moral functioning by adherents of the syncretic hoasca churches in Brazil, a formal study exploring the effects of long term use of this unusual hallucinogenic beverage would appear to be indicated.
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